The pressure is mounting on European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. On Wednesday, a group of right-wing MEPs announced that they had secured enough support to table a no-confidence against von der Leyen over concerns about her leadership style, lack of transparency and growing accusations of bypassing democratic norms within the EU’s institutional framework.
The initiative, launched by Romanian MEP Gheorghe Piperea, stems from the ongoing “Pfizergate” scandal, which escalated in May when the EU General Court issued a landmark ruling against the Commission for failing to disclose text messages exchanged between von der Leyen and Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla during negotiations in 2021 for the purchase of up to 1.8 billion doses of the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine at a mind-boggling cost of €35 billion.
The motion was supported by 74 MEPs from various cross-party groups — 32 from the conservative ECR group, 23 from the sovereigntist ESN group (formed on the initiative of the AfD), 4 from the Patriots for Europe Groups, 14 independents and even 1 from the EPP, von der Leyen’s own group. The vote is expected to take place in July 2025, though an exact date has not been set.
While the motion has little chance of succeeding due to the high bar of a two-thirds majority —the EPP has the relative majority in the Parliament — this nonetheless represents a serious political hurdle for von der Leyen: for the first time the European Parliament will be forced to have a public and official discussion about a scandal that for years has been confined to newspaper reports and courtrooms. “The initiative is fundamentally about upholding transparency and ensuring a fair and genuine democratic process”, Piperea said. He acknowledged that the chances for it to succeed were slim, but said it offered a “crucial opportunity for constructive and substantiated criticism towards von der Leyen.
This is about more than just Pfizergate. Since her re-election in 2024, von der Leyen has been fiercely criticised from various quarters for her authoritarian approach and systematic sidelining of the Parliament. Last month, for example, the Commission proposed using an emergency clause in the EU treaty to shut Parliament out of approving a €150 billion loan scheme to boost joint procurement of weapons by EU countries, known as SAFE.
In response to European Parliament President Roberta Metsola, who threatened legal action against the European Commission, von der Leyen defended the move, arguing that the emergency clause is “fully justified” as SAFE is “an exceptional and temporary response to an urgent and existential challenge”.
In this sense, Pfizergate symbolises a broader process of supranationalisation, centralisation and “Commissionisation” of the bloc’s politics, where the Commission has progressively increased its influence over areas of competence that have previously been considered the preserve of national governments — from financial budgets and health policy to foreign affairs and defence. Piperea’s motion also mentions this alleged “procedural abuse”. He “calls on the European Commission to resign due to repeated failures to ensure transparency, persistent disregard for democratic oversight and the rule of law within the Union”.
Thus, while the motion is largely driven by right-wing and conservative factions, it exposes growing dissatisfaction across ideological and party lines. Socialists, liberals and even some Greens — who backed von der Leyen’s re-election — have become increasingly vocal in their criticism over von der Leyen’s leadership style, particularly regarding transparency issues and her withdrawal of a greenwashing law without parliamentary consultation. However, these groups explicitly stated they would not support a “far-right”-led motion.
Ultimately, the no-confidence motion will not topple von der Leyen, but its symbolic force is undeniable. Long-standing concerns over the concentration of power within the Commission can no longer be dismissed as fringe or conspiratorial. By compelling a public debate in the European Parliament, the initiative may begin to tear open the institutional façade of unity and consensus, revealing a growing unease even among mainstream parties with the EU’s escalating techno-authoritarian regime. Whether or not the motion passes, it signals that the age of unquestioned executive authority in Brussels may be nearing its limits — and that a reckoning over the future of EU governance may be fast approaching.
Really too lazy to research all the corrupt CDU shit so here’s perplexity for you:
Some people say the 2019 election of Ursula von der Leyen as President of the European Commission was “rigged” or illegitimate because it bypassed the established Spitzenkandidaten (lead candidate) process, which had been championed by the European Parliament as a way to make EU leadership more democratic and transparent[4][6][3].
Instead of selecting a candidate who had campaigned as a lead candidate in the European Parliament elections, EU leaders—especially Angela Merkel and Emmanuel Macron—chose von der Leyen as a compromise behind closed doors. This sidelined the Parliament’s preferred candidates, Manfred Weber and Frans Timmermans, who had actually campaigned as Spitzenkandidaten[4][6]. The decision was seen by many as a betrayal of voters who had turned out in record numbers, expecting that the lead candidate principle would be respected[6].
Critics, including former European Parliament President Martin Schulz, described von der Leyen as a “fake” lead candidate and argued that allowing her to become Commission President without being a Spitzenkandidat was a mistake[4]. This led to perceptions that the process was manipulated or “rigged” to favor backroom deals over democratic legitimacy. The controversy was compounded by the fact that von der Leyen won the Parliament’s vote by only a slim margin, with significant opposition from Greens and Socialists who felt their candidates had been unfairly overlooked[5][7][6].
[1] https://theconversation.com/ursula-von-der-leyen-why-controversial-choice-for-eu-top-job-may-actually-have-been-the-right-one-120511 [2] https://bst-europe.eu/de/unkategorisiert/the-von-der-leyen-effect-high-visibility-low-accountability/ [3] https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13501763.2022.2032285 [4] https://www.politico.eu/article/ursula-von-der-leyen-fake-spitzenkandidaten-lead-candidate-ex-parliament-chief-martin-schulz-european-election/ [5] https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-49010801 [6] https://eu.boell.org/en/2019/08/16/european-elections-2019-learning-mistakes-made [7] https://www.dw.com/en/germanys-von-der-leyen-voted-new-european-commission-president/a-49612132 [8] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ursula_von_der_Leyen
Yeah I know the story very well. If we want the spitzenkandidat system to be law, then let’s make it a law. At the minute, it’s convention.
I‘d be down for that. Don’t know how though. I think the EU is a great idea but as it currently is it’s not very democratic in a sense that too many things can be just handled via backroom deals vs true democratic processes.